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1972
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martedì, marzo 18, 2008
La periferia dell'impero. Affascinante lettura della vicenda tibetana in una prospettiva storica più ampia. Comunque vada, non finirà qui. Di Anne Applebaum:
And if they aren't worried, they should be. After all, the past two centuries were filled with tales of strong, stable empires brought down by their subjects, undermined by their client states, overwhelmed by the national aspirations of small, subordinate countries. Why should the 21st century be any different? Watching a blurry cellphone video of tear gas rolling over the streets of Lhasa yesterday, I couldn't help but wonder when -- maybe not in this decade, this generation or even this century -- Tibet and its monks will have their revenge. Immagini dei giorni scorsi da Lhasa e dal Sichuan. Un altro esempio dell'ambiguità del Dalai Lama. In generale nessuno critica la posizione della guida spirituale del popolo tibetano ed ogni sua parola è giudicata benevolmente, come segno di moderazione e saggezza. Occorrerebbe chiedersi però che benefici concreti sono derivati dalla sua ricerca di un compromesso con Pechino. La domanda fa paura perché la risposta potrebbe non essere in linea con l'immagine che l'opinione pubblica ha di lui. Il Time dettaglia: The Dalai Lama's comments came as a dampener for organizers of the Tibetan People's Uprising Movement, who had been hoping that if the Dalai Lama could not lend his support to the march, he would at least refrain from opposing it. Four of the five organizations involved in the movement oppose the Dalai Lama's "middle path" approach of seeking dialogue with the Chinese leadership in search of a "genuine" autonomy for Tibet. They want direct action to seek independence from China, and they want to it now, while the world is watching China as it prepares to host the Olympic Games this summer. Asked if they'd stop the march if asked to do so by the Dalai Lama, Tsewang Rigzin, president of the Tibetan Youth Congress, answered with an emphatic: "No." The schism within Tibetan ranks is set to widen. Non a caso i cinesi hanno tutto l'interesse ad identificare nel Dalai Lama l'istigatore della rivolta. E' un nemico più malleabile ed un potenziale interlocutore più manipolabile. Questi i risultati di sessant'anni di propaganda. L'unico giornalista occidentale in Tibet. L'invidia (a denti stretti) di un collega: King of the journalists at the moment is James Miles of The Economist - right reporter, right place, wrong news organisation, given that its weekly magazine's first report of what has been happening since Friday won't be out till next Friday, and their journalist is the only western journalist in Lhasa itself. But even he is limited in what he can see. La copertina dell'Economist questa settimana (prima della rivolta). Storie di ordinaria repressione. Cina e India, approcci differenti: The official response to the protests in Lhasa and elsewhere, the most serious in two decades, do not indicate the discovery by Beijing of "Olympic-new" savvy ways of crisis control. Instead, the Chinese people and the world have only been subjected to the same old tired responses officialdom resorts to given any sign of discontentment among the Tibetan population. This is a response that essentially amounts to a denial of any fundamental problem. The elements are familiar: a scapegoating and vilification of the Dalai Lama, a refusal to grant any legitimacy to Tibetan disaffection and an insistence on the myth of elemental "harmony" among all "Chinese" people, including Tibetans. This denial of legitimate differences is ultimately the greatest difference between China and Asia's other major rising power, India. |
A Fabio.
A Luisa.   
  Asia e dintorni Normblog |
